|
||
|
|
||
| On earth
as it is in heaven
Trinitarian influences on Locke's account of personal identity (1)John Barresi Department of Psychology Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia Introduction John Locke's discussion of personal identity in the 1694, second edition of his Essay Concerning Human Understanding (2) has had enormous influence on subsequent discussions of personal identity down to our own times. Almost all modern discussions of the concept of person look back to Locke, and only to Locke, as their starting point. It is as if Locke were the first person ever to consider the topic of personal identity, though this is certainly not the case. In fact the concept of person, and what determines the nature and identity of persons has had a long history in western thought. However, what truly marks the difference between this history and Locke's discussion, is that most of the previous discussion of persons occured in the context of heavenly rather than earthly matters. The most intense discussions of the nature and identity of persons were tied to questions like: "How could the same human person arise again at the resurrection?"; "How do angels, or heavenly persons, differ from human persons?" "How is it possible for three distinct persons to be one God?"; and "How can Christ be a person that is both man and God?" With the exception of the problem
of the resurrection, these questions tend to focus on distinctions concerning
spiritual rather than human persons. And even the problem of the resurrection,
which comes closest to the problem of personal identity in the Lockean
sense, focuses on heavenly rather than earthly continuity. Now, while it
is certainly the case that Locke, himself, was concerned about the resurrection
when he constructed his account of personal identity, many of his modern
followers are not so concerned, but adopt his notion of personal identity
based on consciousness for purely earthly concerns. Nevertheless, if we
are to understand Locke's revolution in the consideration of the grounds
for personal identity in their true historical context, we must see it
with reference to the questions concerning heavenly as well as earthly
persons that dominated debate about the nature of persons and their identity
in the seventeenth century.
Locke's second edition discussion of personal identity seems to have been influenced by a number of metaphysical debates involving the notion of person that took place in the seventeenth century. Among these were debates over the relations between spiritual and material natures in the constitution of human persons, and even of the whole material world. A key influence on these debates was Descartes, whose theory of a fundamental dualism between thinking and extended substances had important ramifications throughout the century, eventually overthrowing traditional Aristotelean metaphysics. But Descartes also keyed off other responses, such as Hobbes's pure materialism, the atomism of Gassendi, and the neoplatonic responses of the Cambridge Platonists, not to mention Spinozan and Leibnizian transformations of the Cartesian position. All of these metaphysical positions appeared before Locke wrote his Essay and influenced his thoughts on what could be known about the material and spiritual worlds. In certain important respects, his answer reached its focal point in his new chapter on 'Identity and Diversity' in 1694, where he set the identity conditions for matter, living beings, as well as for persons in terms of his empiricist conception of clear and distinct ideas. Although most of these influences
on Locke are well known, in the present article, I will consider an influence
on Locke's discussion of personal identity that is more specific than these
general metaphysical debates and which focuses more directly on the concept
of person. The influence that I have in mind comes from the debates that
occurred in the latter part of the seventeenth century over the nature
of God, and how it might be possible for God to be composed of three persons.
In fact, this debate over the Trinity reached its greatest intensity in
the 1690's in Britain, during the very years, between the first and second
edition of Locke's Essay, when Locke must have come to formulate
the position he presents in the second edition. Furthermore, Locke, himself,
was immediately drawn into the debate over the Trinity. He was drawn indirectly
into it when Toland (1696) and Gastrell (1696) used his ideas, respectively,
to reject and to explain the trinity of persons. And he was drawn directly
into the it, when Bishop Stillingfleet (1697), in his own vindication of
the Trinity, blamed Locke for Toland's use of the way of clear and distinct
ideas, in his Christianity Not Mysterious (1696), to dismiss the
Trinity as incomprehensible and impossible (3).
Despite Stillingfleet's accusation,
the suggestion that three persons in one God was rationally impossible
did not have to wait for Lockean ideas. In fact, as far back as Servetus,
in the 16th century, Protestant theologians were questioning whether three
persons could make one unified and personal God. Followers of Servetus
and Socinus, who called themselves Socinians, and later Unitarians, believed
that God was a unitary person, and that only the Father could be true God,
with debate ensuing over what to make of the Son and Holy Spirit. The Socinians
had been a minor sect in England since early in the 17th century, but burst
on the scene with a series of tracts in the 1680's and 90's. These anti-Trinitarian
tracts produced a counter-blast of Trinitarian defences, all of which tried
to make rational sense out of the mystery of three persons in one God.
But what really raised the stakes of the conflict was that these Trinitarian
defenders began to debate among themselves, accusing each other of heresy
of various traditional forms, while the Socinians, or Unitarians, gleefully
facilitated the internecine warfare. By 1696 things got so out of hand
that the King, himself, had to interpose on the debate and call a cease-fire,
requiring all to use only traditional language to discuss the Trinity.
(4)
The person at the centre of this
controversy was William Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's cathedral, and one
of the most philosophical of the theologians of his time. And it is mainly
his views on the Trinity that seem to have had an influence on Locke. In
1690 - six months after the first edition of Locke's Essay came
out - Sherlock published his, Vindication of the Trinity (5),
in an attempt to provide a rational account of the Trinity that could put
to rest the Socinian objection that God was a unity that could be no more
than one person. In his theory he used the relatively novel notions, of
self-consciousness and mutual consciousness: self-consciousness to distinguish
the persons of the Trinity, and mutual consciousness to account for their
unity in the Godhead.
At first traditional theologians were quite pleased with Sherlock's account, and thought that they finally had a answer for the Socinians. But then, when the Socinians accused him of tritheism, a traditional theologian, Robert South, joined in, and provided a vicious attack on Sherlock's work. This was followed by mayhem, where Sherlock defended himself both anonymously and then in his own name against the Unitarians and South, and South renewed the attack, eventually getting Sherlock's ideas formally decreed as heretical at Oxford. Sherlock answered this decree belligerently (Sherlock, 1696), and it was at this time that the King had to enter the fray to quiet things down. After this Sherlock partially retreated from his position in several more publications, the last of which, in 1698 (Sherlock, 1698), provided a history of the debate and also attempted to provide a traditional account of the Trinity by tracing its entire history, while at the same time still suggesting that his innovations needn't be viewed as tritheistic. Despite this final attempt to explain himself, most interpreters of Sherlock's retreat saw him as swinging back from tritheism to sabellianism, the traditional heresy that assumed that God was a singular being who appeared in three modes. (6) Although I'm not convinced that Sherlock fully forfeited his original position, I will not try to defend him here. My main goal is to present and explicate his original view, and to show how it may have influenced Locke. But before going into Sherlock's original view of the Trinity, it is worthwhile to consider the range of other views of the Trinity, and of the nature of persons, that were being considered at this time. In one of the Socinian works, published in 1693, that critiqued Sherlock along with other recent attempts at explicating the Trinity, there is a nice description of these alternative views that I will now present. The author writes: For Memory and Method's sake, and because the Division is so just; we may distinguisth the Accounts, or Explications of the Trinity contrived by our Opposers; after this manner. There is, first, the Trinity according to Tully, or the Ciceronian Trinity; which maketh the three Divine Persons, to be nothing else but three Conceptions of God; or God conceived of as the Creator, the Redeemer, and Santifier of his Creatures. Dr. Wallis, after many others, hath propounded and asserted this Trinity, in his Letters, and his Sermons... (7) Dr. Wallis, who also published a defence of the Trinity in 1690 (8), had used a triangle as a metaphor for the Trinity, and had suggested that the word person was an arbitrary designation, and so substituted "three somewhats", a term that was repeatedly used in attacks on his Ciceronian view. The second view to be distinguished here was the one proposed by Sherlock: The next is the Cartesian Trinity, or Trinity according to Descartes: which maketh three Divine Persons, and three Infinite Minds, Spirits and Beings, to be but one God; because they are mutually, and internally, and universally conscious to each others Thoughts. Mr. Des Cartes had made this Inventum to be the first Principle and Discovery in Philosophy, Cogito, ergo sum; I think, therefore I am: and he will have the very Nature of a Mind or Spirit to consist in this, that 'tis a thinking Being. Therefore, says Dr. Sherlock, three Persons can be no otherways one God, but by Unity of Thought; or what will amount to as much, as internal and perfect Consciousness to one anothers Thoughts. Any one may see, that Dr. Sherlock's Mutual Consciousness, by which he pretends to explain his Trinity in Unity, was by him borrowed from the Meditations and Principles of Monsieur Des Cartes... (9) The Third is the Trinity of Plato, or the Platonick Trinity; maintained by Dr. Cudworth, in his Intellectual System. This Trinity is of three Divine Co-eternal Persons, whereof the second and third are subordinate or inferior to the first; in Dignity, Power, and all other Qualities, except only Duration. Yet they are but one God, saith he; because they are not three Principles, but only one; the Essence of the Father being the Root, and Fountain of the Son and Spirit: and because the three Persons are gathered together under one Head, even the Father. (10) Cudworth's work (11), published in 1678, was an enormous tribute to ancient platonic philosophy, and he expended great effort showing how the platonic trinitarian ideas related to the Christian Trinity. The view he presents here was, however, attacked as Arian, because he subordinates the second and third persons to the first, as the ancient heretic Arius had done. It should also be noted that Cudworth was the person who introduced the use of the term consciousness in a philosophical sense into the English language, a term he no doubt adopted from Descartes but also reasonably attributed to Plotinus. In a quotation that Cudworth referred to from him, Plotinus had written: Nature has no grasp or consciousness of anything, but the imaging faculty has consciousness of what comes from outside; for it gives to the one who has the image the power to know what he has experienced. (12) which makes a Being to be Present with it self, Attentive to its own Actions, or Animadversive of them, to perceive it self to Do or Suffer, and to have a Fruition or Enjoyment of it self. (13) It was not Cudworth, himself, but one of his renegade students, who first used the term self-consciousness to define the concept of person and to use this concept in a discussion of the Trinity. In a publication in 1685, Turner used the term to explicate a version of the Trinity that opposed Cudworth's, though his own was a weird mixture of platonic, cartesian, and materialistic ideas. He also expended a good deal of effort attacking Descartes's views. Since Sherlock's use of this notion of self-consciousness was more coherent, and much more likely to have influenced Locke, I'll leave aside a discussion of Turner's views. (14) Let us return now to our Socinian survey of views of the Trinity. He continues: The fourth is the Trinity according to Aristotle, or the Aristotelian or Peripatetick Trinity; which saith, the Divine Persons are one God, because they have the same Numerical Substance, or one and the self-same Substance, in Number: and tho each of the three Persons is Almighty, All-knowing, and most Good; yet 'tis by one individual and self-same Power, Knowledg and Goodness, in Number. This may be called also the Reformed Trinity, and the Trinity of the Schools; because the Divines of the middle Ages, reformed the Tritheistick and Platonick Trinity of the Fathers, into this Sabellian Jargonry; as Dr. Cudworth, often and deservedly, calleth it. This is the Trinity intended by Dr. S[ou]th, in his Animadversions on Dr. Sherlock....It never had any other Publick Authority, saith Dr. Cudworth, but that of the fourth Lateran Council; which is reconded by the Papists among the General Councils, and was convened in the Year 1215. (15) Our author closes his discussion with one more view: We must add to all these, the Trinity of the Mobile; or the Trinity held by the common People, and by those ignorant or lazy Doctors, who in Compliance with their Laziness or their Ignorance, tell you in short, that the Trinity is an unconceivable, and therefore an inexplicable Mystery; and that those are as much in fault, who presume to explain it, as those who oppose it. (16) Sherlock on the Trinity Sherlock's account of the Trinity begins with a discussion of the limits of human knowledge, and of the difficulties forming clear and distinct notions of the substance of things both involving matter and spirit. Because of similarities here between Locke and Sherlock, it has been suggested by John Yolton (1968) and Michael Ayers (1991) that Sherlock's discussion was influenced by Locke's recently published first edition of the Essay. However, the language that Sherlock uses in his book on the Trinity is different in style from that of Locke, and it seems to me that he could have found similar ideas elsewhere. In particular, Gassendi, in his objections to Descartes' Meditations, raised sceptical questions about the limits of our knowledge of the substance of matter and of spirit, and Ayers, himself, claims that Locke's discussion of substance, "is nothing other than a restatement and elaboration of the sceptical position adopted by Gassendi". (17) If it can be assumed here, that Locke is merely elaborating on Gassendi, why then is it necessary to suppose that Sherlock, himself, is borrowing from Locke, rather than from Gassendi, or from one of Gassendi's followers in England, such as Boyle? In any event, in his book on the Trinity, Sherlock asserts that: It is agreed by all Men whoever considered this matter, that the essences of things cannot be known, but only their properties and qualities: The World is divided into Matter, and Spirit, and we know no more, what the substance of Matter, than what the substance of a Spirit is, though we think we know one, much better than the other: We know thus much of Matter, that it is an extended substance, which fills a space, and has distinct parts, which may be separated from each other, that it is susceptible of very different qualities, that it is hot or cold, hard or soft, &c. but what the substance of Matter is, we know not: And thus we know the essential properties of a Spirit; that it is a thinking substance, with the Faculties of Understanding and Will, and is capable of different Vertues or Vices, as Matter is of sensible qualities, but what the substance of a Spirit is, we know no more than what the substance of matter is. (18) we know nothing of a Spirit, but what we feel in our Selves, and can Philosophize no farther about it; for as Mr. Lock has truly observed, we can form no Idea but either from external Impressions; or internal Sensations; and therefore we can know no more of the Unity of a Spirit neither, than what we feel. (19) This is one of only two references made to Locke in Sherlock's works on the Trinity. And he seems here to be using Locke's generally admired book to support what he had previously said in his own words. So, though it is possible that Sherlock had read the Essay before writing his first book on the Trinity, I don't agree with Ayers that the first passage given above from Sherlock, indicates that there are 'a number of Lockean touches' in Sherlock's book. (20) What appears to me to be the case is that based on accumulated tradition, Locke and Sherlock independently arrived at the opinion that there are certain limits to human knowledge, and that this applies equally to matter and spirit. But let us return to Sherlock's first book on the Trinity. The reason why Sherlock is stressing the limits of knowledge here, is that he wants to argue that there is a difference between lack of clear and distinct knowledge and contradiction. He believes that the Trinity may not be fully comprehensible but that this does not involve any logical contradiction, since the term God, or the substance of God, is not the same as the term person. He also wants to suggest that the only way that we can understand God in any clear and distinct manner is through analogy with what we do know, clearly and distinctly. And it is through our knowledge of ourselves as spirits that Sherlock believes we can come closest to understanding the Trinity of persons in God. Sherlock begins his search for analogies to the Trinity with an inquiry into that which "makes any Substance numerically One". His discussion of what makes for identity and diversity here, will find reverberations in Locke's own general discussion of this topic. Just as Locke will consider them in his second edition chapter, Sherlock begins by describing identity conditions for unorganized Matter: Now in unorganized Matter it is nothing else but the union of Parts, which hang all together, that makes such a Body one; whether it be simple or compounded of different kinds of Matter, that is One numerical Body, whose Parts hang all together. (21) In Organical Bodies, the Union of all Parts, which constitute such an organized Body, makes it One entire numerical Body, though the Parts have very different Natures and Offices... (22) In finite created Spirits, which have no Parts and no Extension neither, that we know of, no more than a Thought, or an Idea, or a Passion, have Extension or Parts, their numerical Oneness can be nothing else, but every Spirit's Unity with itself, and distinct and separate subsistence from all other created Spirits. Now this Self-unity of the Spirit, which has no Parts to be united, can be nothing else but Self-consciousness: That it is conscious to its own Thoughts, Reasonings, Passions, which no other finite Spirit is conscious to but itself: This makes a finite Spirit numerically One, and separates it from all other Spirits, that every Spirit feels only its own Thoughts and Passions, but is not conscious to the Thoughts and Passions of any other Spirit. (23)
Nor do we divide the Substance, but unite these Three Persons in One numerical Essence: for we know nothing of the unity of the Mind but self-consciousness... and therefore as the self-consciousness of every Person to itself makes them distinct Persons, so the mutual consciousness of all Three Divine Persons to each other makes them all but One infinite God: as far as consciousness reaches, so far the unity of a Spirit extends, for we know no other unity of a Mind or Spirit, but consciousness: In a created Spirit this consciousness extends only to itself, and therefore self-consciousness makes it One with itself, and divides and separates it from all other Spirits; but could this consciousness extend to other Spirits, as it does to itself, all these Spirits, which were mutually conscious to each other, as they are to themselves, though they were distinct Persons, would be essentially One. (25) Rather than following further Sherlock's interpretation of the mystery of the Trinity, it is worthwhile at this point to return from heaven to earth and to consider more carefully how Sherlock's views of personal identity and its relationship to consciousness in finite substances relate to and anticipate those found in Locke. But before turning to Locke's own discussion of these matters. I would like to provide one more quotation from Sherlock. This one comes from his anonymously written Defence published in 1694. (26) The Defence was published approximately a month after Locke's second edition appeared in print.(27) Thus, Locke did not read this defence before he wrote his own account of personal identity, and, given the single month between their publication dates, it is also extremely unlikely that Sherlock read Locke's second edition before he wrote his Defence. In any event, the passage I quote immediately follows the passage given above which invokes Locke. And because of its immediate connection to that passage, it could leave the impression that Sherlock was somehow dependent on Locke for his theory of personal identity. Yolton has made this inference.(28) But this cannot be the case, since Sherlock is here merely restating his original view in slightly different language, and is not invoking Locke's account of personal identity, but merely using some general principles of Locke's philosophy, which appeared in the first edition of the Essay. Yet, because the language he uses here is especially close to that used by Locke, himself, and immediately follows his reference to Locke, it is important to consider them in relation to each other. I begin with an extended version of the passage in which he mentions Locke, and continue on: Now whoever considers, how he knows himself to be a distinct and separate Person from all other Men, will be able to resolve it into nothing else but Internal Sensation, which the Dean, not improperly, calls Self-consciousness. The Unity of Matter consists in the Unity of its parts, and we can see, how far its Unity extends, and where it ends; for its Unity extends, as far as the continuity of its parts extends, and ends, where that ends: But we know of no extension or parts in a Spirit, and therefore the very Nature of a Spirit consisting in internal and vital Sensation, the Unity of a Spirit consists in the continuity (if I may so speak) of its Sensation: So far as a Man feels himself, or is Self-conscious, so far he is One entire Person; where this Self-conscious Sensation ends, he becomes a distinct and separate Person: For it is a Self-evident Proposition, that in an intelligent Self-conscious Being, Self can reach no farther than he feels himself. And I would desire any thinking Man to tell me, how he knows himself to be a distinct and separate Person from all other Men, but only by this, that he feels his own Thoughts, Volitions and Passions, Pains and Pleasures, but feels nothing of all this in other Men. (29) Let us now consider the development of Locke's own thoughts on consciousness and personal identity. First, it is important to realize that Locke's use of the term consciousness shifts dramatically between the first and second editions of the Essay. In the first edition he uses the term conscious often, but the term consciousness only 4 times. In this edition he gives the term consciousness the following definition: "Consciousness is the perception of what passes in a man's own mind." (30) This definition is essentially the same as the one first introduced into English by Cudworth, and both are based on Descartes' definition of thought found in the Appendix to the Replies to the Second set of Objections to the Meditations. There Descartes writes: Thought. I use this term to include everything that is within us in such a way that we are immediately conscious of it. Thus all the operations of the will, the intellect, the imagination and the senses are thoughts. (31) This use of the term consciousness appears in the Oxford English Dictionary as definition 4: "The state or faculty of being conscious, as a condition and concomitant of all thought, feeling, and volition." (32) The OED gives Cudworth and then Locke's first edition use above as examples of this definition. This is not the definition of consciousness that is of interest to us here. Rather, the definition of consciousness that is of interest to us appears as the fifth definition in the OED: Consciousness (Definition 5) The totality of the impressions, thoughts, and feelings which make up a person's conscious being. In plural = conscious personalities. (33) Locke also gets early credit in the OED for another crucial concept that appears here, the term self. The OED's third "mostly philosophical" definition of self is: That which in a person is really and intrinsically he (in contradistinction to what is adventitious); the ego (often identified with the soul or mind as opposed to the body); a permanent subject of successive and varying states of consciousness. (34) Since consciousness always accompanies
thinking, and 'tis that, that makes everyone be, what he calls self...
(35)
Self is that conscious thinking thing, whatever Substance, made up of Spiritual, or Material, simple or compounded, it matters not, which is sensible, or conscious of Pleasure and Pain, ... and so is concern'd for it self, as far as that consciousness extends. (36) You will note that here the choice from Locke even includes the phrase, "as far as that consciousness extends" a phrase which appears first in Sherlock, but in a slightly different context. (37) I quote again from his 1690 book on the Trinity: [F]or we know nothing of the unity of the Mind but self-consciousness... and therefore as the self-consciousness of every Person to itself makes them distinct Persons, so the mutual consciousness of all Three Divine Persons to each other makes them all but One infinite God: as far as consciousness reaches, so far the unity of a Spirit extends, for we know no other unity of a Mind or Spirit, but consciousness: In a created Spirit this consciousness extends only to itself, and therefore self-consciousness makes it One with itself, and divides and separates it from all other Spirits; but could this consciousness extend to other Spirits, as it does to itself, all these Spirits, which were mutually conscious to each other, as they are to themselves, though they were distinct Persons, would be essentially One. (38) I will consider in greater detail the relations between Sherlock and Locke's use of the concept of unity of conciousness in the next section, but before turning to that, it is necessary first to conclude this section on Locke, by considering his use of the term personal identity in the Essay, and also in his unpublished notes that were the basis for the ideas developed in the Essay. In 1683 in his notebooks he gives his first definition of personal identity: Identity of persons lies ... in the memory and knowledge of ones past self and actions continued on under the consciousness of being the same person whereby every man ownes himself. (39) If the soul doth think in a sleeping man without being conscious of it, I ask, whether during such thinking it has any pleasure or pain, or be capable of happiness or misery?. For if we take wholly away all consciousness of our actions and sensations, especially of pleasure and pain, and the concernment that accompanies it, it will be hard to know wherein to place personal identity. (40) For since consciousness always accompanies thinking, and it is that which makes every one to be what he calls self, and thereby distinguishes himself from all other thinking things; in this alone consists personal identity, i.e. the sameness of a rational being: And as far as this consciousness can be extended backwards to any past action or thought, so far reaches the identity of that person; it is the same self now it was then; and it is by the same self with this present one that now reflects on it, that that action was done. (41) It is time now to
evaluate more fully how Sherlock and Locke use unity of consciousness in
their works in similar and in different ways. Both use the idea that there
are boundaries to the range of mental events over which consciousness extends
or reaches, but they use this concept somewhat differently. In Sherlock,
the notion is one of accessibility of a particular mental event in an internal
sort of way - one that does not involve inference but has an immediacy,
as if it were happening to one’s self. However, for Sherlock, even a mental
event that is not one’s own might appear to one with such an immediacy
- at least for the three persons of the Trinity. Sherlock
Now, if such a qualitative difference between
thoughts that depends on one’s ability to
But let us assume that there is another qualitative
difference among thoughts that can be used
to tag them to the particular person of the Godhead, one based on their
specific content. Even if all three persons
appropriate - in some sense - each other’s thoughts, they may still
distinguish among them in terms of content. An example
that might explicate this notion is the kind
of subselves that we often experience in our own normal personalities.
We may, for instance, see ourselves as musicians,
and lovers, as well as professors. Each of these aspects of our
personalities are semi-independent of each other. Yet we appropriate each
of these separable
But then, we still have the problem of how each
of the persons can determine which of
Now let us consider Locke’s use of conscious
unity. Like Sherlock, Locke invokes the
A second concern that motivated Locke’s account
of personal identity, which was
Locke's discussion of personal
identity, along with the rest of his Essay, had an enormous impact
on the 18th century. It is primarily through Locke's use of the term consciousness
in this context that the term came under general use both in England and
on the Continent. (46) Prior to Locke,
continental philosophers had difficulties finding just the right word to
use to represent the philosophical concept of consciousness. Although Descartes
initiated the modern use of the Latin term, Conscientia, for consciousness
in its facultative sense, the French version of the term - conscience -
was too easily confused with conscience rather than consciousness. However,
with the English differentiation of the two terms, and with the development
of the concept of consciousness to reflect personal unity in Locke, translations
of his work had the impact of carrying the new meaning of this term, and
sometimes the term itself, back to France and to Germany. By the middle
of the 18th century, consciousness had become a important technical term
in the newly developed discipline of the philosophy of mind. Martin and
Barresi have argued that this new concept of a self-conscious mind that
might be materially based was a naturalization of the previous concept
of the soul, and that Locke's views on personal identity were crucial to
the development of this empirical philosophy of mind.(47)The
impact of this conception of the mind based on consciousness, was so thorough
that by the middle of the 19th century, when mental philosophy transformed
into scientific psychology, this discipline was initially defined as the
science of consciousness. What was only hinted at in Descartes's metaphysical
doubts had become a reality, though this reality would be a short-lived
one, eventually becoming replaced by more materialistic scientific perspectives
and the recognition of unconscious mental phenomena. Nevertheless, consciousness
still plays a critical role in our concept of mind and what it is to be
a person. And the general recognition of the importance of consciousness
in our modern concept of person, has, during these three centuries, since
the 1690's not only affected how we conceive of human persons but of divine
persons as well.
When Sherlock used the notion of
consciousness to explicate the Trinity, the immediate response was to declare
him a tri-theist. This accusation was made because he openly asserted that
the three persons, were three self-conscious agents with infinite minds.
Hence he said that there were three infinite minds in God. While Sherlock
saw this as a inevitable result of the fact that each person has their
own mind, and in this case the minds were infinite, both Socinians and
Trinitarians, felt that Sherlock's position here went against the rule
that the persons in God were to have only relative properties with respect
to each other and not any absolute properties, which only applied to the
Godhead as a whole. Hence, although God could have an infinite mind by
this logic, none of the persons themselves could have one, without becoming
thereby, three Gods. Sherlock eventually tried to back off of his position,
but it didn't satisfy his antagonists. As a result Sherlock's positive
account of the Trinity, went without any followers. Even the poet-philosopher-theologian
Samuel T. Coleridge, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, who read
Sherlock in the original and made marginal notes on his Vindication
of the Trinity, viewed Sherlock as a tri-theist. (48)Coleridge,
nevertheless, tried to develop his own related account of the Trinity,
based on what he called the personeity of the Godhead, by which he meant
the ultimate source of subjectivity and self-consciousness in God.
And Coleridge was not alone in developing something like Sherlock's account of the Trinity. Throughout the 19th century, theologians tried to develop accounts of God's consciousness, and how the three persons could emerge as parts of a single self-consciousness. By the 20th century, even traditional Catholic theologians were developing accounts not very different from Sherlock's. For instance, Father Lonergan, one of the more philosophical of Catholic Theologians, developed an account of the persons in the Godhead which recognized each as a self-conscious person. He writes: "a divine person is a subject that is distinct and conscious of itself, both as subject and as distinct". (49) He adds, in a phrase that seems very reminiscent of Sherlock's mutual consciousness: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit through one real consciousness are three conscious subjects conscious of themselves and of the others and of their act' so that a conscious Father consciously understands, knows, wills; a conscious Son consciously understands, knows, wills; a conscious Spirit consciously understands, knows, wills. (50) Notes # 1. The present paper is based on a talk presented at the philosophy department at Dalhousie University, February 13, 1998. I wish to thank listeners of the talk for their thought provoking comments, which led to revisions for the current article. I would also like to thank the Research Development Fund of Dalhousie University, and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada, for grants supporting the research that contributed to writing this article. #2. John Locke, An essay concerning human understanding (First Edition, 1690; second edition, 1694) ed. by P.N. Nidditch, (Oxford, 1975). #3. F. Gastrell, Some considerations concerning the Trinity: And the ways of managing that controversy (London, 1696); E. Stillingfleet, A discourse in vindication of the doctrine of the Trinity (London, 1697); [J. Toland], Christianity not Mysterious: A treatise showing that there is nothing in the Gospel contrary to reason, nor above it: And that no Christian Doctrine can be properly call'd a mystery (London, 1696). See J.W. Yolton, John Locke and the way of ideas (Oxford, 1968) for Locke's involvement in the trinitarian controversy. #4. See R. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography: or Sketches of the Lives and Writings of Distinguished Antitrinitarians; Exhibiting a view of the state of Unitarian Doctrine and Worship in the Principle Nations of Europe, From the Reformation to the close of the seventeenth Century: To which is Prefixed A History of Unitarianism in England During the Same Period, V1-3 (London, 1850), and J. Redwood, Reason, ridicule and religion: The age of enlightenment in England, Chapter 7 (London, 1976) for this history. #5. William Sherlock, A Vindication of the Doctrine of the Holy and Ever Blessed TRINITYand the Incarnation of The Son of God. Occasioned by the Brief Notes on the Creed of St. Athanasius, and the Brief History of the Unitarians, or Socinians, and containing an Answer to both, Imprimatur, Jun.9.1690 (London, 1690). #6. R. South, Animadversions upon Dr. Sherlock's book (London, 1693), Tritheism charged upon Dr. Sherlock's new notion of the Trinity (London, 1695); W. Sherlock,A Modest Examination of the Authority and Reasons Of the Late Decree of the Nice-Chancellor of Oxford, and Some Heads of Colleges and Halls; Concerning The heresy of Three Distinct Infinite Minds in the Holy and Ever-blessed Trinity(London, 1696), The Present State of the Socinian Controversy, and the Doctrine of the Catholick Fathers Concerning A Trinity in Unity (London, 1698). See R. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography for the history of this controversy around Sherlock. #7. [Stephen Nye], Considerations on the Explications of the Doctrine of the Trinity, By Dr. Wallis, Dr. Sherlock, Dr. South, Dr. Cudworth, and Mr. Hooker; as also on the Account given by those that say, the Trinity is an Unconceivable and Inexplicable Mystery [London, 1693], 10. #8. J. Wallis, The Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity (London, 1690) #9. Nye, Considerations, 10. #10. Ibid., 11. #11. R. Cudworth, The Intellectual System of the Universe: The First Part. (London, 1678). #12. Plotinus, Enneads IV, 1-9, trans. by A.H. Armstrong (Cambridge, 1984) 171-2; Cudworth, The Intellectual System, 159. #13. Cudworth, The Intellectual System, 159. #14. J. Turner, A discourse concerning the Messias, In three chapters. .... To which is prefixed a large Preface, asserting and explaining the doctrine of the blessed Trinity, against the late writer of the Intellectual System. And an Appendix is subjoyned concerning the divine extension, wherin the existence of a God is undeniably proved, and the main principles of Cartesianism and Atheism overthrown (London, 1685). See M. Ayers, Locke: Volume II: Ontology (London, 1991) for a discussion of Turner's views. #15. Nye, Considerations, 11. #16. Ibid., 11. #17. Yolton, John Locke and the way of ideas; Ayers, Locke: Volume II: Ontology, 31. #18. Sherlock, A Vindication, 7-8. #19. [W. Sherlock], A Defence of Dr. Sherlock's Notion of a Trinity in Unity, In Answer to the Animadversions upon his Vindication of the Doctrine of the Holy and ever Blessed Trinity. With a POST-SCRIPT Relating to the Calm Discourse of a Trinity in the GODHEAD (London, 1694), 6. #20. Ayers, Locke, 323. #21. Sherlock, A Vindication, 48. #22. Ibid., 48. #23. Ibid., 48-9. #24. Ibid., 49. #25. Ibid., 68. #26. Sherlock, A Defence. #27. Locke's second edition of the Essay, was advertised in the London Gazette on June 5th, 1694; Sherlock's Defence, was advertised in the Gazette on July 9th. #28. Yolton, John Locke, 130. #29. Sherlock, A Defence, 6-7. #30. Locke, Essay, II,1,18, 115. #31. R. Descartes, Meditations on first philosophy, with Objections and Replies (1641), In: The philosophical writings of Descartes, Vol II, Trans. by J.Cottingham, R.Stoothoff, & D.Murdoch (Cambridge, 1984), 113. #32. The compact edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, V.I-II. (Oxford,1971/86),I, 522. #33. Ibid., I, 522. #34. Ibid., II, 2715. #35. Locke, Essay, II, 27, 9, 335. #36. Ibid., II,27,17, 341. #37. The reader may wonder if there is any more direct evidence that Locke read Sherlock's Vindication before he wrote his second edition account of personal identity. The most direct evidence that I am aware of is a letter written in October, 1690 to Locke from Holland, thanking him for forwarding Sherlock's book in a packet along with other books. Although we do not have Locke's side of their correspondence, Sherlock's opinion on the trinity, along with those of the socinians and South are briefly discussed - apparently under the assumption that Locke has also read these works - in subsequent letters written by this correspondent, well before Locke began his revisions of the Essay. See The Correspondence of John Locke, edited by E.S. De Beer (Oxford, 1979), letters, 1325, 1329, 1344, 1351, and 1702. #38. Sherlock, A Vindication, 68. #39. Ayers, Locke, 255. #40. Locke, Essay, II,1, 11, 110. #41. Ibid., II, 27, 9, 335. #42. See also Martin, Self-Concern: An Experiential Approach to What Matters in Survival (New York, 1998), for a somewhat different and well developed account of appropriation and its relation to self-continuity. #43. See Barresi, Morton Prince and B.C.A.: A historical footnote on the confrontation between dissociation theory and Freudian psychology in a case of multiple personality, In: Psychological concepts and dissociative disorders, eds. R. Klein & B. Doane (Hillsdale, 1994), 85-129, for a review of the case. #44. Ibid.,102. #45.G. Berkeley, Alciphron, Or, the minute philosopher (1732), In: The Works of George Berkeley, Bishop of Coyne, (London, 1837), VII, 11, 229, T. Reid, Essay on the Intellectual Powers of Man (1785), In Philosophical Works of Thomas Reid, ed. by William Hamilton, (Edinburgh, 1895, republished in Hildesheim, 1967, III,VI, In: I, 351. #46. C.G. Davies, Conscience as consciousness: The idea of self-awareness in French philosophical writing from Descartes to Diderot (Oxford,1990). #47. R. Martin & J. Barresi, Naturalization of the soul: Self and Personal Identity in the Eighteenth Century (London, 2000) #48. S.T. Coleridge, The Literary Remains of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Collected and Edited by Henry Nelson Coleridge. In The Complete Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, V.1, ed. by Professor Shedd (New York, 1858) #49. B. Lonergan, Divinarum Personarum conceptionem analogicam (Rome, 1957), cited in E.J. Fortman, The Triune God: A historical study of the doctrine of the Trinity (Philadelphia, 1972), 296-7. #50. Ibid.,
298-299.
|
||
|
|